Representatives of the Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (APIB), the organization coordinating the Free Land Camp (Acampamento Terra Livre) in Brasília, delivered a seven-page letter on Thursday (Apr. 9) to the Brazilian president’s General Secretariat and the Ministry of Mines and Energy. In the document, they acknowledge progress in public policies but criticize delays in the demarcation of indigenous territories.

Titled “A sovereign Brazil is one with demarcated and protected indigenous lands,” the document notes that the current government was formed with the support of the indigenous movement to “rebuild the foundations of institutionality and democracy.”

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“It is necessary to recognize that important changes have taken place during this period,” the letter states.

Among these changes, they cited the creation of the Ministry of Indigenous Peoples, the presence of indigenous leaders in prominent government positions, and the reestablishment of spaces for dialogue.

However, the representatives believe these actions still fall short of what is needed.

“We acknowledge progress, but it still does not address the historical urgency or the Brazilian state’s debt to our peoples.”

A climate of violence

Indigenous peoples say there is a growing trend of territorial invasions, violence, and the criminalization of indigenous communities, leaders, and organizations.

“While some institutional frameworks have been rebuilt and there have been shifts in rhetoric, the concrete protection of indigenous territories and of the lives of indigenous peoples still needs greater consistency and continuity,” the letter reads.

Indigenous peoples argue that guaranteeing public policies is a permanent obligation of the Brazilian state.

The letter calls for measures in six areas:

• demarcation and protection of territories;
• consultation, participation, and self-determination;
• budgeting and permanent governance;
• life, security, and well-being;
• climate, ecological transition, and a ban on exploitation;
• memory, reparations, and the future of indigenous peoples.

Since last Sunday (5), various indigenous ethnic groups have gathered in Brasília, the country’s capital, for the Free Land Camp. According to the organizers, approximately 8,000 individuals are camped there.

In an open letter released during the Free Land Camp (Acampamento Terra Livre) demonstration, in Brasília, indigenous organizations accuse the Brazilian Congress of treating the constitutional rights of indigenous people as “bargaining chips” in negotiations with private sectors, particularly agribusiness and mining.

“We condemn the fact that the National Congress functions as a machine of regression, acting as an enemy of [indigenous] peoples, launching daily attacks on our lives, and subjecting our rights to a bargaining table,” the text reads.

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This edition of the rally – referred to as ATL 2026 – is bringing together thousands of indigenous people in Brasília from Sunday, April 5, through April 11.

“They have turned the people’s house into a gambling den. They want to gamble in the National Congress, where our rights become a bargaining chip between lawmakers and private sectors, with national and foreign companies and corporations profiting off our lives,” the letter states.

Signed by the Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (APIB), the association organizing the mobilization, and by seven other entities covering the entire national territory, the letter criticizes the executive, legislative, and judicial branches – especially the federal government – for the delay in defining federal territories designated for the exclusive use of indigenous people.

Under the Brazilian Constitution, in effect since 1988, the federal government should have completed the demarcation of indigenous lands within five years of its enactment – i.e., by 1993.

“The timid demarcation of only a few indigenous lands fails to fulfill the political commitment to guarantee all our territories,” the associations point out.

They maintain that the government’s “inaction” has contributed to an atmosphere of insecurity, with rising cases of violence, invasions of recognized, demarcated, or claimed indigenous areas, and the illegal exploitation of natural resources.

“The federal government has an obligation to demarcate and protect indigenous territories and lives, as well as to guarantee free, prior, and informed consultation. We demand concrete action for land regularization, territorial protection, and respect for the autonomy and leadership of our peoples,” the document says.

Indigenous organizations, however, acknowledge progress, such as the creation of the Ministry of Indigenous Peoples and the formal recognition of 20 indigenous areas from January 2023 to November 2025, following a four-year hiatus from 2019 to 2022.

“Indigenous presence in institutional spaces has advanced as a direct result of our struggle,” the groups point out, citing the presence of historic leaders of the movement at the helm of bodies responsible for managing public policies and the growing number of representatives from the community in Congress, state assemblies, and municipal councils.

New Policy

In a statement to Agência Brasil, the Ministry of Indigenous Peoples emphasized that the creation of the ministry in 2023 led to indigenous people assuming strategic and decision-making roles, as the indigenous movement itself has acknowledged.

“The creation of the ministry marked a break from the paternalistic approach that had guided indigenous policy for decades,” the statement says.

Decisions regarding the rights and needs of Brazil’s more than 391 indigenous peoples are now made by individuals who are familiar with and understand their demands and challenges, the ministry states.

Among the key initiatives undertaken over the past four years to guarantee the rights and safety of indigenous people is the official recognition of 20 indigenous territories, equivalent to some 2.5 million hectares of protected land across 11 states, the ministry reports.

The Ministry of Labor and Employment on Tuesday (Apr. 7) released a list of 169 employers newly included in the Registry of Employers who have subjected workers to conditions analogous to slavery​.

Among the names included is Chinese automaker BYD, located in an industrial complex in Camaçari, in the state of Bahia. The company’s first automobile factory in Brazil, focused on the production of electric and hybrid vehicles, was inaugurated in October 2025 with an investment of BRL 5.5 billion.

Penalty

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The Ministry of Labor and Employment, through the Labor Inspection Division of the Regional Labor Superintendency in Bahia (SRTE/BA), carried out a series of enforcement actions in Camaçari between December 2024 and May 2025. These actions included inspections of both the construction site and the housing provided for migrant workers involved in building the industrial facility.

In one such operation on December 19, 2024, 471 Chinese workers were identified as having been brought into Brazil illegally, 163 of whom were rescued from slave-like labor. In the following months, the Tax Audit Office continued collecting statements, analyzing documents submitted by the companies involved, and carrying out other investigative measures.

According to the inspection team, the investigation concluded that the Chinese automaker bore direct responsibility for the illegal entry of the 471 Chinese workers into Brazil - including the 163 rescued from slave-like labor - to work on the construction of its industrial facility.

Although BYD presented service contracts with other companies, tax auditors found that, in practice, the workers were directly subordinate to the automaker. An employment relationship was thus established, in accordance with the criteria of Article 3 of the Brazilian Consolidated Labor Laws (CLT).

The tax auditors also found evidence that the automaker itself committed fraud against Brazilian immigration authorities, aiming to facilitate the entry of foreign workers into the country without proper registration and in violation of current legislation.

Another significant violation notice issued during the inspection concerns the subjection of workers to conditions that violate labor protection standards, including instances of forced labor and conditions analogous to slavery.

According to the inspection team, the finding was based on the identification of three main elements: forced labor, degrading working conditions, and excessively long work hours.

Degrading conditions

The workers were subjected to extremely precarious living and working conditions. They slept on beds without mattresses and had no lockers, forcing them to keep their personal belongings alongside work tools and food, both raw and cooked.

In one of the dormitories, there was only one bathroom for every 31 people, forcing them to wake up at 4 am to prepare for the workday. The kitchens operated in unsanitary conditions, with food stored near construction materials. Only one dormitory had a makeshift dining hall, which led most workers to eat their meals in their beds. The water they drank came directly from the tap, without any treatment.

Exhausting workday

The imposed workday lasted at least 10 hours, with no regular days off. One injured worker reported going 25 days without a day off. During the inspection, several health and safety risks were identified, leading to the suspension of deep excavations and the partial closure of a dormitory and a bench-mounted circular saw due to missing safety guards. Restrictions on freedom of movement were also found, as workers needed authorization even to go to the market.

In January of this year, BYD signed a Conduct Adjustment Agreement (TAC) with the Labor Procecution Office worth BRL 40 million.

Thousands of indigenous protesters from across Brazil are marching this Tuesday (Apr. 7) down Brasília’s Esplanade of Ministries, where a number of government buildings are located, including the National Congress. The demonstration is part of the 22nd edition of the Free Land Camp, an event that began on Sunday (5) and is considered the movement’s largest and most significant mobilization in the country.

Under the scorching sun, representatives from some of the 391 indigenous peoples camped out walked the six kilometers to the National Congress – the main focus of the movement’s criticism. The group accuses the majority of federal representatives and senators of proposing and passing laws that violate the constitutional rights of indigenous peoples, putting their territories and ways of life at risk.

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The demonstrators also accuse lawmakers as well as federal and state officials of yielding to pressure from agribusiness, mining, and large-scale development projects, thereby allowing non-indigenous people to exploit traditional territories for economic gain.

Painted and wearing the traditional attire of their ethnic groups, the protesters carried six large banners bearing the slogans “Congress enemy of the people,” “Our territory is not for sale,” “The future belongs to indigenous peoples,” “The Time Framework is a coup,” “Demarcation is the future,” and “Down with the Time Framework.”

To comply with an agreement with the Federal District’s security forces, the indigenous groups left their bows, arrows, clubs, spears, and blowguns at the camp and occupied three of the six lanes and part of the lawn of the Eixo Monumental, the avenue that cuts through central Brasília from east to west.

“Our march is peaceful, heading toward a Congress that is not peaceful. It is an enemy of indigenous peoples,” said one of the members of the Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (APIB), the entity organizing the demonstration.

The Time Framework

A recurring target of criticism from indigenous communities is the Time Framework – a legally established doctrine that holds that indigenous people are only entitled to the territories they occupied in October 1988, when the Brazilian Constitution was enacted.

In 2023, the Supreme Court ruled the Time Framework unconstitutional. Nevertheless, in 2025, the Senate approved a constitutional amendment that imposes the same time limit on indigenous claims for land demarcation.

Since the senators modified the text that the lower house had approved in 2023, the amendment was sent back to federal representatives for reassessment, which has not yet occurred.

Protesters are also demanding that the federal government recognize more indigenous territories.

According to movement leaders, after a four-year period (2019–2022) during which no new areas of traditional occupation were officially recognized, the federal government validated 20 new territories from January 2023 to November 2025.

Brazil’s national indigenous agency Funai reports that the new territories amount to approximately 2.5 million hectares of protected land across 11 states.

“But we continue this struggle, this fight for territorial guarantees,” APIB Executive Coordinator Dinamam Tuxá told Agência Brasil on Sunday (5).

“We have a really high backlog of demarcations and a situation of widespread violence and vulnerability on indigenous lands that no government has managed to overcome. This has been a motivating factor for indigenous people to come to Brasília to stand up for our concerns,” Tuxá said.

He also noted there are currently about 110 new areas under review that have been claimed as federal lands for indigenous use.

Indigenous people from across Brazil began arriving in Brasília this Sunday (Apr. 5) to participate in the 22nd edition of the Free Land Camp (ATL 2026).

Organized by the Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (APIB ), the event runs through Saturday (11) and is considered the country’s largest and most important mobilization of the indigenous movement. According to the organizers, between 7,000 and 8,000 people, both indigenous and non-indigenous, are expected to participate this year.

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The ATL typically brings together representatives of most of Brazil’s 391 Indigenous peoples, as well as delegates from other countries, to discuss the defense of territories and denounce violations of indigenous rights. In recent years, the agenda has expanded, and the event has also come to include discussions on indigenous political and electoral participation, the climate crisis, and the defense of democracy. However, the central focus of the discussions remains the need for the Brazilian state to recognize indigenous peoples’ right to land.

“As we do every year, we are waiting for the Brazilian government to announce the creation of new indigenous lands,” APIB  Executive Coordinator Dinamam Tuxá told Agência Brasil.

According to him, after a four-year period (2019–2022) during which no new indigenous lands were established, the Brazilian government approved 20 new territories between January 2023 and November 2025. According to the national indigenous authority Funai), this amounts to approximately 2.5 million hectares of protected land across 11 Brazilian states.

“But we continue this struggle, this fight for territorial guarantees,” Tuxá added, noting that about 110 claimed indigenous land areas are currently under review.

“We face a very large backlog of demarcations and a situation of widespread violence and vulnerability on indigenous lands that no government has been able to overcome. This has been a motivating factor for indigenous peoples to come to Brasília and present our demands,” emphasized the APIB  coordinator.

Mobilization

The ATL also marks the beginning of what is known as Indigenous April, a month of nationwide mobilization during which the movement seeks to draw attention to other issues, such as the need for greater investment in indigenous health and education. This year’s theme is “Our future is not for sale: we are the answer.”

“We are promoting a broad debate on various topics, such as education, health, and international relations with indigenous peoples from other countries - in short, a range of public policies,” Tuxá noted, confirming that the traditional marches along the Ministries Esplanade will take place.

The first march is scheduled for next Tuesday (7) in protest against proposed legislation that, according to APIB, runs counter to the interests of indigenous peoples, such as authorizing mining on indigenous lands or establishing the so-called “temporal framework” - a legal doctrine under which indigenous peoples are entitled only to the territories they occupied in October 1988, when the Federal Constitution was enacted.

Elections

The 2026 elections will also be a focus of some of the main debates at the Free Land Camp, including the one scheduled for Thursday (9), “Indigenous Campaign: We Are the Answer to Transforming Politics” - the title of the manifesto that APIB published last year, reaffirming its commitment to continuing the initiative to strengthen indigenous political participation, launched a few years ago.

“We will launch the Indigenous Campaign, an initiative aimed at guiding the candidacies put forward by a coalition of parties allied with the indigenous movement. We will advise interested indigenous people to join these parties that have defended our rights. And, throughout the year, we will promote actions to strengthen these indigenous candidacies in order to ensure greater [indigenous] representation in Congress,” Tuxá said.

Companies play a key role in combating violence against girls and women and must act on three fronts: prevention, intervention, and support. This assessment was made on Tuesday (Mar. 31) by Márcio Rosa, Executive Secretary of the Ministry of Development, Industry, Trade, and Services, in Rio de Janeiro, during an event discussing Corporate Responsibility in Combating Femicide, Gender-Based Violence, and Cultural Transformation.

In his view, the productive sector must also drive the cultural transformations needed to address the causes of the high number of femicides in the country.

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In Brazil, six women are killed every day, according to the 2025 Annual Report on Femicides, prepared by the Laboratory for the Study of Femicides at the State University of Londrina. Last year, there were 2,100 victims and 4,700 attempted femicides, according to the report.

During the event, attended by representatives from major public and private companies - led by Petrobras and Banco do Brasil - the executive secretary stated that addressing gender-based violence cannot be limited to tightening criminal laws after the fact. In his view, the focus should be on taking preventive action, starting with creating a violence-free workplace.

“What is expected of companies is prevention, intervention, care, and support,” Rosa stated.

At the event, the secretary also argued that companies should ensure the same practices are applied throughout their supply chains, “going beyond their own borders.”

Rosa classified inaction on the issue as an “institutional omission” by companies, calling it an ethical failure. He criticized corporate practices that discourage reporting, expose victims, or fail to hold perpetrators accountable.

According to him, companies that fail to create safe reporting channels or that penalize victims contribute to perpetuating the problem.

“It is obviously necessary to combat an internal culture that tolerates any form of harassment or violence,” Rosa said.

The secretary also proposed that women take a leading role in developing internal policies implemented by senior management. “Culture only changes when it is accompanied by everyday, concrete, and natural actions,” he stated.

Reinforcing the Ministry of Industry’s commitment to the issue, Rosa emphasized that the National Pact for the Prevention of Femicide also involves the government and civil society. In his view, only joint action can break the cycle of violence: “This isn’t an agenda item for tomorrow; it should have been adopted yesterday,” he concluded.

Example

During the event, businesswoman Luiza Trajano, founder of Magazine Luiza - one of Brazil’s largest retail chains, specializing in electronics, home appliances, and furniture - presented Canal Mulher (Women’s Channel), created to support female employees who are victims of domestic violence. The program was launched after an employee became a victim of femicide in 2017 and provides support from psychologists and lawyers, among other resources.

Over the years, the company has even paid rent to help an employee move out of her home. The strategy was refined in 2019, when the company’s mobile app added a reporting button that immediately connects to the 180 hotline - a 24-hour public service that receives reports of violence and provides guidance on women’s rights.

“We made a pact; we also trained men to identify and address these situations, and our company will never again lose a woman to this violence,” she said.

Trajano praised the National Pact for the Prevention of Femicide, which takes an approach focused on men. “President Lula spoke to men, and at our company, we’re speaking directly to them: ‘Look, you need to take action, because one day it could be your daughter, a niece, a sister - and you wouldn’t even know it. And it’s not just ordinary people; some are secretaries who speak three languages.’”

“Companies have been hiring more and more women, and it’s important that these women feel their employers are committed to the cause,” said Wania Sant’Anna, president of the Pact for the Promotion of Racial Equity.

“Companies play an extraordinary role in raising society’s awareness of how unacceptable violence against women is,” she stated.

“The numbers are not a mere coincidence; they reflect a culture that has historically been violent toward women and tolerated,” Sant’Anna noted, citing the severity and extreme cruelty of crimes committed against them.

To support companies, the United Nations (UN) created the Global Compact. The initiative outlines ways for organizations to “take concrete actions toward the transformations we need to see in society,” said its director, Monica Gregori. Speaking at the meeting, she highlighted the importance of corporations addressing institutional violence first.

“Companies can adopt preventive measures, starting with raising awareness about gender-based violence - since femicide is its ultimate manifestation - and combating the psychological and sexual harassment that still occurs in corporations,” Gregori emphasized.

An enthusiastic supporter of the initiative, Brazil’s First Lady Rosângela Lula da Silva highlighted the role of companies and called for support for initiatives aimed at criminalizing misogyny, of which she herself has been a victim, particularly on social media.

“When we try to understand the reason behind this escalation of violence, we encounter a hostile environment for women on the internet. In this digital space, which seems like a no-man’s-land, we see the unacceptable proliferation of misogynistic, violent, and illegal content - content that preaches male superiority and incites gender-based violence,” she analyzed.

The media’s role

Empresa Brasil de Comunicação (EBC), which manages radio and TV stations as well as websites, was represented by its CEO, Andre Basbaum, who defended the role of public media in fostering dialogue with society.

“This is a national crisis; rates of violence [against women] are extremely high, and we are addressing this through debate,” he said.

Antonia Pellegrino, EBC’s Director of Content and Programming, added that media companies are responsible for shaping the public imagination - the mental images people form about various topics. “Our programming creates new imaginaries and paves the way for transforming reality,” she said.

Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva signed into law on Tuesday (Mar. 31) the bill that extends paternity leave in Brazil. The extension will occur gradually, increasing from the current five days to 10 days in 2027, 15 days in 2028, and 20 days in 2029.

“It has been a 38-year wait to regulate paternity leave and extend this leave, which currently stands at five days and will then increase to 10, 15, and 20 days. This was a joint achievement of society, Parliament, and our participation,” highlighted Gleisi Hoffmann, head of the Secretariat of Institutional Relations.

“This law will teach men how to bathe a child, how to wake up at night to care for the child when it cries. He’ll have to learn how to change a diaper,” said Lula. “It’s a law I’m very pleased to sign it,” he added.

The bill was passed by the Senate on March 4. The topic, however, had been debated in Congress for 19 years.

Among the arguments in favor of passing the bill is the potential for greater parental involvement in caring for newborns or adopted children.

The 6th edition of the Walk of Silence for Victims of State Violence took place this Sunday (Mar. 29) in São Paulo. The gathering was held in front of the former DOI-Codi/SP building, one of the main centers of repression and torture during the Brazilian military dictatorship (1964–1985), which was established after the military coup of March 31, 1964.

The demonstration moved through the streets of the southern zone toward the Monument in Honor of the Political Dead and Disappeared in Ibirapuera Park, under Military Police escort.

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Organized by the Voices of Silence Movement - an initiative of the Vladimir Herzog Institute and the Center for the Preservation of Political Memory - the event brought together hundreds of people, including relatives of victims and human rights groups.

Under the motto “learning from the past to build the future,” the organizations not only honored the memory of the victims of the military dictatorship but also denounced the continued persistence of state violence over the decades, even after the return to democracy.

Lorrane Rodrigues, coordinator of the Memory, Truth, and Justice program at the Vladimir Herzog Institute, highlighted the importance of discussing the impacts of the dictatorship even after the return to democracy. “The military dictatorship is often seen, in the collective imagination, as something static, frozen in time - as if what happened during that period were a thing of the past, and there were no need to talk about or discuss it.”

“The march’s motto raises this discussion: trying to understand the impacts of the military dictatorship on the present, on our contemporary society, so we can reflect on the future,” Rodrigues added, emphasizing the need to strengthen democracy.

“We also need to reflect on the construction of this democracy, because the way it is today is not enough; it remains inequitable for a significant portion of the population. The march seeks to connect the past and the present in a more tangible way for people,” she explained. According to her, one of the tools for advancing memory, truth, and justice is the set of recommendations from the National Truth Commission.

“There are 49 recommendations for the [Brazilian] government, and so far - from the time they were issued until now - they have been largely unfulfilled or only partially implemented. We already have a process in place: the institute monitors the recommendations every two years. What we’ve observed are small steps, some significant advances, but very little compared to what the recommendations envision for society,” she noted.

The executive director of the Vladimir Herzog Institute, Rogério Sotilli, stated in a note that the Walk of Silence was born as a collective response to authoritarianism and attempts at historical erasure. He emphasized that the military dictatorship left a legacy of impunity, which is still reflected in the state violence the country experiences today.

“After five editions, we want to recapture the spirit that gave rise to this demonstration. We have been living in times when defending the democratic rule of law has largely been left to the highest institutions, yet we continue to face serious attacks on democracy. That is why now is the time to take to the streets and once again demonstrate our strength,” Sotilli emphasized.

More than 30 civil society organizations, social movements, and human rights groups took part in the initiative.

Toward the end of the event, the organizers read the march’s manifesto, which includes the following passage:

“It has never been more important to defend democracy. And we must never forget: this struggle is ongoing.

We must remember so as not to repeat the past. We must hold on to our memories so as not to forget our history.

Without memory, violence becomes normalized. Without truth, lies become institutionalized. And without justice, barbarism repeats itself.”

Next, the names of the victims of state violence during the dictatorship were read aloud, including Vladimir Herzog, after whom the organizing institute is named. After each name, the protesters chanted in unison: “Present.”

In recent weeks, cases of violence and hate against women dominated Brazilian news and social media – among them the femicide of a female military police officer by her partner in São Paulo, the gang rape of a teenager in Rio de Janeiro, and TikTok videos showing men simulating attacks on women who reject marriage proposals.

These incidents should not be viewed in isolation. They are part of a complex web of misogyny that connects various elements – from individual experiences of frustration to economic structures and global political agendas. Such is the conclusion of experts heard by Agência Brasil.

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Investigations into the death of police officer Gisele Alves Santana – who was found with a gunshot wound to the head in her apartment – show that her husband, Military Police Lieutenant Colonel Geraldo Leite Rosa Neto, accused of the crime, used terms in conversations that frequently circulate in misogynistic groups online, such as “alpha male” and “beta female.”

The origin of hate

The problem must be understood in its historical context. Hate groups have grown, in part due to the expansion of online spaces, but they existed long before that.

“We talk a lot about the rise in this violence, but it’s an age-old issue; it has existed since the dawn of society. We see ancient patriarchal structures of female subjugation, and the internet amplifies this violence,” said sociologist Bruna Camilo. She is a political scientist who specializes in gender and misogyny. 

Social psychologist Professor Benedito Medrado Dantas, a professor at the Federal University of Pernambuco (UFPE), adds that expressions of hatred toward women have intensified as a reaction to women’s achievements.

“[This has been the case] ever since women began to occupy roles in society other than domestic care. This invariably disrupts the structures of society, as well as the intimacy of domestic and family life,” he argued.

Early recruitment

Researchers have observed that increasingly younger boys are being drawn into the “manosphere” – the term encompasses internet forums, video channels, group chats, and social media profiles dedicated to promoting a conservative model of masculinity and opposing women’s rights.

Feminist activist Professor Lola Aronovich has been the target of online attacks for years. She shared what she discovered while investigating online communities, particularly gaming communities.

“There’s a lot of heavy recruitment going on. I started researching [app] Discord and saw that they were increasingly younger boys, aged from 12 to 14. I was shocked because I was used to older teenagers and adults,” Professor Aronovich said.

The process of drawing them into this discourse is gradual, she said, and the probing begins with how boys react to misogynistic terms and ideas.

“For instance, when talking about women, they’ll use expressions like ‘sluts’ and see how that boy reacts. When they sense an opening, they continue the co-optation,” she said.

Julie Ricard, a researcher at the Getulio Vargas Foundation (FGV) specializing in gender studies, mapped the recruitment strategies of misogynistic groups on another platform, Telegram. The study identified 85 open communities, which she describes as “the tip of the iceberg.”

“Some are explicitly misogynistic, while others present themselves as spaces for self-help, economic development, or fitness. In these cases, young people access content that appears neutral but encounter narratives of resentment against women,” Ricard noted.

These strategies are spreading across various online platforms. Studies by NetLab, a research laboratory at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ), have mapped over 130 thousand misogynistic channels on YouTube and show that topics such as “seduction and relationships,” “legal issues,” and “overcoming shyness” serve as gateways to hateful content.

Frustration and vulnerability

Why do men embrace ideas that encourage oppression and violence against women? Experts believe that the answer to this question is not straightforward, as the reasons involve elements based on individual experience. However, there are collective patterns that can facilitate the adoption of such ideas and are exploited by leaders of the “manosphere.”

The misogynistic machinery relies on emotional raw material – frustration, isolation, and insecurity, especially among adolescents and men in vulnerable economic situations, Professor Dantas points out.

When it comes to adolescents, vulnerability is inherent to this stage of life, as they are in the process of building their identity and their socio-emotional maturity. These insecurities can be exploited by groups that advocate violent masculinity and the subjugation of women. Professor Dantas warns that young people who lack a space for dialogue at home are the most vulnerable. 

“Without interactions and conflicts, there is no way for the family to filter the information they access. There is a significant process of vulnerability because they are trying to build themselves, and violent content can be more appealing,” he said.

He points out that the messages in these groups use the language of memes and humor to break down resistance. “It’s a world of messages that are easy to assimilate,” he added.

Among adult men, however, women and feminism can become scapegoats for personal problems for those seeking simplistic justifications for their experiences.

“Many present themselves as victims because they see themselves as unattractive or broke. What we see in these communities is a deep resentment toward their own situation,” Ricard said.

She highlights there are two layers of frustration in the discourse – economic and emotional-sexual. 

“These are male frustrations regarding women and their own place in society. They’re men socialized to be ‘breadwinners,’ with incomes that don’t allow them to fulfill that role,” she argued.

The hierarchy of hate

Behind the apparent spontaneity of misogynistic groups lies leadership and organization. Sociologist Bruna Camilo draws attention to those who drive the immediate process of recruitment – older men, aged 40 and up.

“These are people who have lived in the world both before and after the internet. They also tend to share a sense of resentment. Some even harbor hatred toward their own mothers,” Bruno Camilo noted.

Experts highlight the role of major digital platforms where hate communities and hate speech circulate freely. Beyond direct profit, the business leaders at the helm of big tech companies often share ideological and political affinities with the ideas promoted in these spaces.

“These misogynistic groups realized that no one was stopping them from acting on social media. On the contrary, they started getting paid for being misogynistic. More and more people are betting on this, making a living from it,” Professor Lola Aronovich pointed out.

She points out that some of these companies’ leaders are far-right activists who, for example, served in Donald Trump’s administration, such as the owner of X, Elon Musk.

Lola also highlights the asymmetry in content moderation. She questions the platforms’ argument that they cannot censor users. 

“There are examples of feminist channels that deal with reproductive rights and are not allowed to talk about abortion pills, and their content gets taken down. But when a bunch of channels advocate for the death of women, they face no sanctions,” she argued.

Political agenda

At the top of this hierarchy are also politicians who influence and benefit from the rise of misogyny.

“In the past, misogynists used to hide behind anonymous identities online. After Trump’s 2016 election campaign, we saw a major shift. They began to show their faces. Then, with the election of former President Jair Bolsonaro, the same thing happened,” Lola Aronovich said.

In Bruna Camilo’s view, the far-right’s political agenda benefits from reactionary ideals of masculinity – virility and power – and the subjugation of women.

“At its core, it’s about control over bodies. The gender debate sparks deep discussions in society. What matters to the far right is maintaining the status quo, where women don’t question things, and men hold political and social power,” she stated.

Possible paths

Despite major strides – such as the law requiring the investigation of hate crimes against women online – experts identify areas for improvement. One of these is the criminalization of misogyny in the country.

“What good is it for the Federal Police to say that a certain person was misogynistic if that cannot be classified as a crime? You can’t get very far, and it brings a sense of greater freedom and impunity for perpetrators,” Lola Aronovich adds.

Confronting the network of misogyny requires action on multiple fronts, including educational measures aimed at boys and adolescents.

“I believe dialogue is the only possible path to transformation. Men aren’t used to talking. They often don’t know how to express themselves because they haven’t learned to. We need to invest in dialogue at home and in schools,” Professor Dantas argues.

Julie Ricard adds that it is the responsibility of adults to “safeguard the self-esteem and mental health of these young people.” “We need to treat this as a public policy issue,” she said.

Regarding the political and economic groups that benefit from misogyny, solutions must include more complex mechanisms for addressing the issue, like strengthening institutions and legislation. Among these is the debate over the regulation of platforms.

“We’ve made progress on digital protection legislation, but we haven’t yet been able to prevent big tech companies from keeping misogynistic content on their platforms. Why hasn’t the lower house called representatives from these groups to account and demanded explanations about how these algorithms are built? If there’s no pushback, it’s because there are political interests at play,” Bruna Camilo declared.